What would it take for Eastern Canada to run on Western Canadian oil?

Yesterday, I had a lengthy Twitter discussion with Green Party Leader Elizabeth May, on the subject of oil pipelines and energy security.  A few things in the discussion surprised me, and it also forced me to think a lot more about oil infrastructure in this country and to put some numbers to the question, “What would it take for Canada to be oil self-sufficient?” What would we have to put in place to supply all of Eastern Canada’s refineries with Canadian oil?

Let’s be clear on a couple of things up front – first, I don’t necessarily think that oil self-sufficiency is the right goal. If we can supply ourselves with oil at a lower net cost by exporting west or south and importing from the east, as we have for years, that’s likely the preferred solution.  Second, I’ll have to leave a lot of details out of this post in terms of oil grades, refinery compatibility, etc. Third, I’ll assume that we run the existing Canadian refinery stock at nameplate capacity, regardless of Canadian domestic refined-product demand, with the balance of production going to export. Finally, I’m going to ignore the fact that the Enbridge mainline system runs through the US, and treat it as a potential bullet line from Western to Eastern Canada.  More to come on each of those elements in future posts.

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Forecasts are wrong, but that doesn’t mean we should ignore them

Oil price forecasts are wrong.  That’s not going to change. Today’s Alberta budget has one in it, it’s aggressive, and it will be wrong.  Will it be proven to be too high or too low?  I haven’t a clue. But, in a province where approximately 1/3 of future provincial revenue depends directly on energy prices, their derivatives, and production quantities, forecasts are crucial and should be scrutinized. More than whether they are right or wrong, we should ask whether the forecasts are based on the best available information.

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Local crude prices vs. local gas prices

After my 1700 word rant the other night, I thought I’d tell you the same story with two figures.

Source: EIA Data, Author's Figure

The first figure shows you two things – the difference between crude oil prices in the Midwest US (WTI in PADD 2) and the US Gulf Coast (Brent or LLS in PADD 3) is shown in blue, with the widening Brent-WTI spread as the rising portion on the right. In red, you see the difference in gasoline prices, in $/gallon, scaled on the right axis. Through 2011, averaged weekly, crude oil in the US midwest was $15.75/bbl LESS expensive than on the Gulf Coast, while gasoline was, on average, 11.1c/gallon MORE expensive. The historic depreciation in crude oil in the midwest over the past year actually coincided (correlation, not causation) with higher gasoline prices. The real story, however, is that gasoline differentials do not track local crude differentials.

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Northern Gateway and Gas Prices

“Northern Gateway represents an inflationary price shock which will have a negative and prolonged impact on the Canadian economy by reducing output, employment, labour income and government revenues.”

This quote appears in the second paragraph of a report prepared by Robyn Allan, apparently for the Alberta Federation of Labour, as it is included as part of their filings with the Joint Review Panel examining the Northern Gateway Pipeline.  I had the opportunity to debate Robyn Allan twice today, and you can listen in on one of them on CBC Edmonton here. I probably will have to write more than one post on this, but here’s a start.

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More EIA numbers

In follow-up to my post last night on EIA numbers relating to Canadian exports to the US (of course, they are US numbers, so they call them imports), I went to see how the numbers they use have changed from the 2011 to the 2012 report, and the change surprised me yet again.

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EIA’s import numbers

Last week, the US Energy Information Administration posted the early release of their Annual Energy Outlook which contains a short summary report and access to some of the data tables which will be included in the document itself when it’s released in April. I was curious to see one element in the data – their prediction of oil imports into the US from Canada.  What I saw surprised me, and I am still working on an explanation…

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Canadian crude oil production to increase 3300% by 2100

I’ve read a lot of wild exaggerations in the debate surrounding the oilsands, and specifically around the Keystone XL pipeline, but I think this study from the Center for Global Development takes the cake.  The study, in effect, equates 21% of the effects of climate change due to projected global emissions between now and 2100 to oilsands development.  No, really – here’s the direct quote:

The Alberta Energy Resources Conservation Board currently estimates the deposit’s potential yield at 1,804 billion barrels of crude oil (AERCB 2011). For this analysis, I assume that the entire deposit will be mined and the extracted crude oil burned by 2100. Using standard conversion factors, full combustion would produce an atmospheric release of 209 gigatons of carbon, which would in turn raise the atmospheric CO2 concentration by 99 parts per million.2 This is 21.3 percent of scenario A2’s projected global increase of 464 ppm by 2100.

So, let’s put some of these numbers into perspective.  In order to extract and burn 1.8 trillion barrels of oil between now and 2100, you’d need average production of 54 million barrels per day.  That’s more than the combined production of OPEC, Russia, Canada, the US, Mexico, and the United Kingdom. It’s 6 times current Saudi Arabian production.  Current Canadian oilsands production is 1.7 million barrels per day. Despite this, somehow the authors feel comfortable assuming, for the sake of illustration, that Canadian production might average 3300% above today’s levels between now and 2100 – a sustained rate of annual production growth of 25.2% per year.

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Some clarification please, Mr. Mulcair.

Yesterday, NDP leadership candidate and environmental hawk Thomas Mulcair announced his intention to implement a, “new comprehensive plan to combat climate change.”  According to his press release, “Mulcair’s new plan would still be industry-focused and based on the principle that ‘polluters pay’, but it would expand beyond the 700 largest emitters in Canada to cover all major sources of climate change pollution.” Want to understand what this means?  Here are three questions you should ask – Who’s covered? What’s the cap?  Who gets the permits?

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Globe Article and Reader Comments

Last week, I summarized my two (#1 and #2) posts on Kyoto compliance and withdrawal into a shorter piece on the Globe and Mail’s Economy Lab.  One of my regular readers, who unfortunately prefers to remain in anonymity and wrap his/her sometimes insightful comments in insults and derision, points out that there are important differences in timing between the Kyoto compliance period and the period in which penalties for non-compliance would be levied.

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Canada’s climate challenge: 1 out of 3 ain’t good enough.

Canada needs to offer up more than easy soundbites and appeals to Nature editorials to move from a climate change laggard to a leader. Today, Canada re-affirmed its position that it would not be signing on to a new commitment period for the Kyoto protocol, and you can count me among those who expect an announcement later this month that Canada is withdrawing from the Kyoto protocol in general.    The question which remains is, “what now?”

Today in the House of Commons, Conservative MP after Conservative MP detailed the government’s commitment to putting the policies in place to meet their pledge to reduce emissions to 17% below 2005 levels by 2020. Even if that proves to be the case, I fear it will not be good enough to move Canada from laggard to leader in the eyes of both international observers and more importantly Canadians. In order to do that, I think there are three elements on which Canada needs to deliver, and meeting our targets is just one of the three.

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